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About Uruguayan Foreign Policy

Index

Uruguayan Foreign Policy: An Introduction

Uruguay and the International Community

September 2005, By President Tabaré Vázquez

Previous statements

September 2004

Uruguay - US Bilateral Relations

 

Other Information

National Symbols

Gallery of Uruguayan Presidents

Uruguayan Ministers of Foreign Affairs

Chiefs of Mission to the US 

 

Uruguayan Foreign Policy: An Introduction

 

 

The main characteristic of the design of the foreign policy of Uruguay is that it has to be conceived as a State—or National—Foreign Policy (NFP, “Política Exterior de Estado”, o “Política Exterior Nacional”).   The NFP is a national consensus among political parties and the civil society dedicated to such principles and objectives as, non-intervention, multilateralism, respect for national sovereignty, reliance on the rule of law to settle disputes, and an active promotion of all the Principles contained in  the Charter of the United Nations. 

 

To achieve these goals Uruguay actively participates in the international community, through universal, hemispheric, regional and sub-regional, organizations and institutions.

 

Over the past two decades several Ministers of Foreign Affairs have administrated this policy and led Uruguayan Diplomacy.   Under the Presidency of Julio M. Sanguinetti (1985-1990): Enrique Iglesias (1985-1988, who is at the moment President of the IDB) and Luis Barrios-Tassano (1988-1990).   Under the Presidency of Luis Alberto Lacalle-Herrera (1990-1995): Héctor Gros Espiell (1990-1992) and Sergio Abreu-Bonilla (1993-1995).   Under the second Presidency of Sanguinetti (1995-2000):  Alvaro Ramos-Trigo (1995-1997) and Didier Opertt-Badán, who served also under the Presidency of Jorge Batlle-Ibáñez (2000-2005).   Nowadays, Uruguayan Minister of Foreign Affairs is Reinaldo Gargano Ostuni, under the Presidency of Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010).

 

Uruguay is part of MERCOSUR, together with Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay (as well as Chile, Bolivia as associate members, other countries of the region are currently negotiating their associations with the block), a regional initiative to integrate the economies of the South Cone of America, between them, and at the same time with the rest of the world (“Mercado Común del Sur”, o Southern Common Market).

 

Uruguay looks for the liberalization of trade beyond its own region.   It is an active member of the World Trade Organization, where it seeks the regulation of trade according to multilateral norms, with a special emphasis on agricultural, and for that reason also a member of the CAIRNS Group.   Uruguay also enthusiastically participates in the creation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA).

 

President Batlle firmly backs MERCOSUR, which he sees as instrumental for an open regional integration into the world economy.   He favors MERCOSUR’s entry in associations such as the one envisaged in the so-called "Four Plus One" agreement with the US.   President Batlle is set firmly against protectionism and subsidies of any kind; he has been a consistent spokesman for unhampered free trade.

 

In 2001 he promoted the reestablished negotiations between MERCOSUR and the United States under the Rose Garden Agreement.

 

Today, to some extent as a result of this policy, less than twenty years after the restoration of democracy (1985), Uruguay proudly boasts the highest combined average ratings of democracy possible.   Uruguay is, in fact, the only Latin American country to have ranked 1.0, the highest status in the "Freedom in the World" rankings (published by Rowman and Littlefield, 2003).

 

Photo: "Mare Liberum" by José Luis Zorrilla de San Martín.   The  painting depicts the first international treaty signed by our Nation (Purificación Headquarters, 1817).

 

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Uruguay and International Community

 

Address by H.E. Dr. Tabaré Vázquez, President of Uruguay, to the United Nations General Assembly, 2005.

 

 

"Mr. President,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Distinguished Delegates,

 

I come from Uruguay, a small South American country, whose main wealth is its vacation for peace, its libertarian drive and the democratic compromise that have been nurtured and developed generation after generation.

I bring with me a greeting from the people and Government of Uruguay, to the currently broadest, most representative and most important forum.

It is a demanding, committed and hopeful greeting.

Demanding because we live in a very particular moment of the history of mankind.

In fact, few times throughout history there have been circumstances as rich in paradoxes and as poor in paradigms as the current one.

Mankind, as never before, has had at hand such scientific and technological advancement and such a wide cultural capital to guarantee its life under dignified conditions, however mankind, as never before, as suffered such inequality, intolerance and uncertainty.

We know we have reached this point, but we are uncertain about where we are heading…

We cannot bear passive witness to this situation; no one can remove himself from the problems that may sometimes look alien. We cannot give up and think that the future is the inertial extension of the present: there is no reason whatsoever to give up to a utopia without which, darkness may be out destiny.

Our greeting is committed because we bear the inexcusable responsibility to be the leaders of our own lives and architects of our own future.

This task is a road where no privileges or eternal condemnations are admitted; we all walk it in equal terms. This road does not allow shortcuts neither, history is neither a gallery of heroes nor a calendar of outstanding events; history is made by the people day by day.

In this context, those to whom their people have granted the task of a government, have a very demanding responsibility ahead. And that is become governing is managing with efficiency and transparency the present, articulating in a democratic way this rich and complex web that is a society. But to govern is also to envisage the future and to convene the people to build such future among all and for all.

Our greeting is hopeful too become although we do not ignore the risks, the difficulties and the limitations within the national, regional and global scenarios, we believe in mankind, we trust mankind. We believe in society. We believe in democracy as a means to govern, but also as a human drive and as a state of society.

 

Mr. President,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Distinguished Delegates,

 

Although I have already expressed it during out intervention at the High Level Plenary meeting, which took place in this

same hall a few hours ago, I wish to reiterate before this Assembly that Uruguay reaffirms the principles that have characterized its foreign policy:

  • The firm commitment with peace, sovereignty, democracy and solidarity.

  • The firm rejection against any kind of terrorism, violence and discrimination.

  • The inalienable right of ever State to have safe and stable boarders and to exercise in its widest freedom its sovereignty and self determination.

  • The respect of the international law, as the best guarantee for the sovereignty of people and their peaceful coexistence.

  • The non-alignment and non-intervention in affairs that do not belong in the domestic jurisdiction of the States.

  • The reaffirmation as a means to strengthen the international law, enhancing the role of the United Nations.

  • The acknowledgement of the indivisibility of all humans rights, be them political, social, economic, civil or cultural, including those of a collective nature such as the right to development and to the environment.

Along these principles, Uruguay: 

  • Deems necessary to advance in those reforms which will allow the United Nations to fulfill its mandate. Being such reforms of a complex nature, they should be undertaken with a historic approach and with political will.

  • Renews it commitments with the millennium goals, which in our country represent the design and implementation of a system of integrated and global social policies which take care of poverty and extreme poverty suffered by almost one million Uruguayans, together with a strategy for reform and development.

  • Reiterates its will to continue participating in UN peacekeeping operations, offering its experience and efforts to improve the conditions under which those missions take place and are carried out.

We also wish to express our support to the initiative of the Secretary General to create a Commission for Peace to which we believe Uruguay could bring its own experience and expertise, gathered while helping to recover and rebuild devastated countries.

 

Mr. President,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Distinguished Delegates,

 

There is no peace in intolerance and terrorism, no freedom in poverty, and no democracy in inequality.

It is imperative to reject every expression of violence, but before rejecting it, is important to avoid it by attacking its roots.

This is simply because every human being has the right to live in dignity. Societies where the opulence of a few contrast with a majority being neglected, are not prosperous. Societies where to be born is a problem, to be young is suspicious, to get education and a job is privilege and where to grow old is a curse, have no place in the future.

This is the way we see it in Uruguay; we learnt it from those generations that preceded us in building a country, which although bearing unique features, is not alien to the Latin American context.

While it is true that the first half of the XX Century was a good time for Uruguay, it is also true that as a result of the combination of a series of foreign circumstances together with some domestic structural frailties, the last fifty years have been of deterioration for the economy, impoverishment of the population and even an institutional breakdown in 1973.

We, Uruguayans, recovered democracy in 1985 and the current government that took office exactly 200 days ago, is working hard to heal those wounds that the dictatorship caused in the field of human rights violations.

We are not hostages of the past, but our society needs to know the truth about what happened, to avoid living it again.

Regardless the former, and fulfilling the compromises acquired before out society, whose will is our mandate, the Government I represent is promoting changes: necessary, possible, responsible, progressive and with a political and social support.

Changes which do not ignore the reality but that do not give up the concrete utopia of a Uruguay with a human development, with a productive economic growth, with a safe environment, fully integrated to its own region and actively inserted in the international arena.

We are not starting from scratch but we have a lot to do towards this utopia, which drives us as a nation.

What I wish to convey to you as the last comments of my intervention on behalf of the people and the Government of Uruguay is that in the south of South America there is a country which is not giving up to difficulties, which is building its own future and from it, wishes to follow its tradition and add its strength to build a better world.

Thank you."

 

UN photo: President of Uruguay Addresses General Debate. Tabaré Vázquez, President of Uruguay, addresses the General Debate of the Sixtieth Session of the General Assembly, today at UN Headquarters [September 17th, 2006]. The General Debate focuses on the follow-up to the 2005 World Summit.

 

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Previous statements.

 

Address by H.E. Dr. Jorge Batlle-Ibáñez, President of Uruguay, to the United Nations General Assembly, 2004.

 

"Mr. President,

 

No one denies today that globalization is here to stay.

Not only has it changed the world of communications so that everything now happens at the same time throughout the world, but it has also made frontiers fixed by history now meaningless. The current generation of young people has more contact with others living thousands of kilometers away than with their neighbors or relatives. A global culture is emerging among us.

While this is happening the world is still experiencing its nationalisms, cultures, age-old habits, interests and projects that are inherent to nations and which are often alien to the new realities.

The question that we Governments ask, and in particular those that represent small nations, is whether this inexorable change can be handled by the organizations that we have created or whether these organizations still have a long way to go in adapting to the new reality.

Looking at the impressive success achieved since San Francisco in 1944 to today, two things emerge clearly. Firstly, the institutions that we have created represent the greatest and most successful effort made by mankind to organize its peaceful coexistence and to equip the planet with appropriate instruments for dealing with the most important aspects of the lives of human beings in society.

Secondly, it is equally clear that the world of that time has changed so much that its reality now far exceeds the capacity of its institutions, which were created to address and resolve issues that today have taken on totally different characteristics.

It suffices to recall that the founding Members of the United Nations were 51 - today the number of member States amounts to 191. What is more important is that only half the number of people alive today lived on the planet at that time. And the total will soon reach 9 billion.

Over the last forty years, moreover, advances in science and their subsequent technological applications have multiplied the resources of a small group of nations, leaving far behind many other countries, some of which recently gained their independence, most of them rich in natural resources but lacking the basic structures needed to achieve sustainable growth and where, in addition and no doubt as a consequence of this, the population is increasing at very high rates and emigration will create in other continents serious difficulties of coexistence.

Again I ask, are the United Nations, which has recognized this situation in its Millennium Declaration, and its various agencies adequately equipped to deal with these problems?

The need for change, for adapting to the times, becomes even greater and more urgent.

Uruguay, which has been a Member of the United Nations since its founding and which has faith in the Organization and in the various multilateral agencies that support the Organization’s efforts to improve the quality of life for its people, understands the need to examine the reform of the Charter so that nations that did not represent at that time what they represent today can assume greater obligations in the inescapable tasks that the situation of mankind now imposes on us.

It is time for them to share greater responsibility, together with those five nations that assumed such responsibility sixty years ago.

Uruguay has also been participating for many years in the various United Nations peacekeeping operations. Uruguay is one of the largest troop contributors in the world, and the first if considered the relationship between population and peace keepers. We have participated in operations in Asia and Africa and we are currently deployed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Eritrea and other locations.

Uruguay acknowledges and welcomes the wise and farsighted effort by the European Union to equal at the highest level that of the nations with marked differences in income levels. The examples of Ireland, Portugal, Spain and Greece, which will surely be emulated in the new countries that recently became members of the European Union, clearly point to the way forward in Congo and Haiti.

 

Mr. President,

 

Achieving peace would be futile if at the same time the United Nations lacks a ready source of funding that could be immediately spent for the benefit of none other than the peoples for whom it is intended.

We must create global and largely autonomous financial instruments to achieve these goals. This is the only way in which we can succeed.

A nation like Haiti, with 27,000 square kilometers of territory and 9 million inhabitants, where the average number of children per mother is 4.7, and which is lacking the necessary institutional and material infrastructure, cannot resolve its problems merely because a contingent of military forces from MERCOSUR countries are ensuring peace.

Another type of action is needed. If our aim is to respond to the demands of a different world, we must do so with different objectives, procedures and resources. Only the United Nations can undertake this task.

Just three years since the fateful day of 11 September and just over six months since the tragedy in Madrid, new and terrible forms of violence continue in other parts of the world claiming hundreds of innocent victims, in Russia, in the Middle East, and are taking place with all their destructive power, thereby posing a permanent threat to the world as a whole, a source of irresistible sadness and a cause for despair about the human condition itself.

Over and beyond their dates and precise location, all of these acts of terrorist violence constitute a new diffuse and indiscriminate enemy of peaceful coexistence. They have altered the international agenda and the lives of people everywhere, claiming thousands

of victims in an unending spiral of violence and aggression.

Terrorism and a genuine commitment to combat and defeat it must therefore be the first item on the domestic and international agendas. And this is certainly much more than mere words.

In our view, each State, each nation and community and, certainly, each human being must contribute to this common endeavor and in doing so help the United Nations to fulfill its role as universal guarantor.

Naturally, the international system with its global and regional institutions must be in the forefront in organizing the struggle against this scourge, as it has been doing and will continue to do in various parts of the world.

The fight against this and other evils—hunger, poverty, underdevelopment, marginalization, exclusion, in short inhumanity—needs a United Nations that is more united and capable of more rapid and effective responses. This is why it must be more representative, balanced and reliable, so that it could continue to be a reference point for the weak and a restraining influence on the strong.

Our country has recently adopted legislation aimed at strengthening the system of prevention and control of money laundering and financing of terrorism. With regard specifically to the fight against terrorism, the law:

  • Punishes terrorist activities and their financing, basing its provisions on the principles contained in the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism and the Inter-American Convention Against Terrorism;

  • Establishes a procedure for freezing the assets of terrorist organizations and persons connected with them, in accordance with the provisions of the above mentioned instruments. It is also in compliance with the mandate contained in resolution 1373 (2001) of the Untied Nations Security Council.

The law also provides for improvements in the international cooperation mechanisms for combating money laundering and the financing of terrorism. Lastly, Uruguay has ratified eleven of the twelve treaties against terrorism of universal scope, apart from two regional ones.

 

Mr. President,

 

At the Millennium Summit and in the Doha Declaration and Monterrey Consensus, we agreed on principles, goals and priorities and we made commitments which we have just reaffirmed a few days ago at our Summit of World Leaders on the Action against Hunger and Poverty.

We wish to affirm here once more that if one of the current goals of the multilateral system is to discipline and effectively operate in a globalized world, then the elaboration of more just and equitable rules of international trade becomes a key chapter in the march towards social and political stability, which is today in serious jeopardy.

This is particularly important since it is well known that States that preach and demand freedom of trade and opening of markets impose and institute obstacles to trade, subsidize their production in distorting ways, and engage in disloyal competition with countries such as ours and many others that can only offer to the world the fruit grown from their land and the fruit of the labor of their people.

Uruguay attaches great importance to the economic and financial questions. The most tangible demonstration of this is the fact that Uruguay has dealt with the worst crisis in its history with frankly positive results, which has permitted us to complete our constitutional mandate with growth in the national product in the order of 9%, thanks to the joint efforts of our people and Government, of the Governments of friendly countries and of the international financial system.

 

Mr. President,

 

We wish to reiterate our firm support for the Doha Round and to express our strong hopes that its deliberations will lead to a greater opening of markets. People will become strong only if they are able to create their future from within themselves and in freedom.

Freedom is an indivisible whole.

 

Mr. President,

 

One does not strengthen democracy if at the same time women and men cannot find decent work to which to dedicate their efforts. This cannot be achieved with only assistance but with freedom of trade.

Lastly, Mr. President, Uruguay is a country that is committed to the international system and to the progressive development of international law, whose most recent expression has been the establishment of the International Criminal Court, of which its Statute we have ratified.

Uruguay reaffirms its conviction that multilateralism is the main principle upon which the conduct of the international affairs must be based and aspires, from an operational perspective, for the region and the world to combine their efforts, in a realistic and committed approach.

It therefore continues to believe in the United Nations as an institution that can always be improved, recognizing in it our best collective instrument in the search for peace."

 

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Uruguay - US Bilateral Relations

 

 

Uruguay and United States relations are based on shared principles and values, with emphasis on democratic ideals, individual liberties, and political pluralism.

 

Uruguay works closely with the United States bilaterally and internationally to foster this objectives.

 

May 4th, 2006, President Tabaré Vázquez meets with the President of the United States of America, George W. Bush.   Photo opportunity in the Oval office, The White House, Washington, DC.

 

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National Symbols

 

Uruguayan National Symbols (according to Decree form February 18th, 1952)

  • Uruguayan National Flag (Pabellón Nacional).

  • National Coat of Arms (Escudo de Armas del Estado).

  • National Anthem (Himno Nacional).

  • Artigas Flag (Bandera de Artigas).

  • Treinta y Tres Flag (Bandera de los Treinta y Tres).

  • National Pin (Escarapela Nacional).

Please, click here for more information on National Symbols

 

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Gallery of Uruguayan Presidents

 

 

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A Chronological Table of Uruguayan Ministers of Foreign Affairs

  1. Don Juan Francisco Giró (1828-1829/1830)

  2. General Don Fructuoso Rivera (1829-1830)

  3. General Don Juan Antonio Lavalleja (1830)

  4. Doctor Don José L. Ellauri (1830/1839/1856)

  5. Don Joaquin Suarez (1831-1832)

  6. Don Santiago Vázquez (1831/1832/1843-1846)

  7. Don Francisco Joaquín Muñoz (1832/1847)

  8. Doctor Don Francisco Llambi (1833/1835)

  9. Doctor Don Lucas José Obes (1833)

  10. Doctor Don José Maria Reyes (1835)

  11. Doctor Don Pedro Lenguas (1835-1836/1837)

  12. Don Juan Benito Blanco (1837)

  13. Doctor Don Carlos C. Villademoros (1838)

  14. Don Alejandro Chucarro (1838/1847/1855)

  15. Don Francisco Antonino Vidal (1830-1843)

  16. Don Francisco Magariños (1846/1854)

  17. General Don Enrique Martínez (1846)

  18. Don Gabriel Antonio Pereyra (1847)

  19. Don Miguel Barreiro (1847)

  20. Doctor Don Manuel Herrera y Obes (1847-1852/1855/1868/1871/1882-1886)

  21. Doctor Don Florentino Castellanos (1852)

  22. Coronel Don Venancio Flores (1852)

  23. Doctor Don Bernardo Prudencio Berro (1853)

  24. Doctor Don Juan Carlos Gómez (1853)

  25. Don Juan José Aguiar (1853-1854)

  26. Doctor Don Mateo Magariños Cervantes (1854/1876)

  27. Doctor Don Adolfo Rodríguez (1855/1868-1870)

  28. Don Alberto Flangini (1855-1856/1866-1868)

  29. Doctor Don Antonio Rodríguez (1855)

  30. Doctor Don Joaquín Requena (1856-1857)

  31. Doctor Don Antonio de las Carreras (1858-1860/1864-1865)

  32. Doctor Don Eduardo Acevedo (1860-1861)

  33. Doctor Don Enrique de Arrascaeta (1861-1862)

  34. Doctor Don Jaime Estrazulas (1862-1863/1894-1896)

  35. Doctor Don Juan José de Herrera (1863-1864)

  36. Doctor Don Carlos de Castro (1865-1866)

  37. Doctor Don José E. Ellauri (1868)

  38. Doctor Don Alejandro Magariños Cervantes (1868)

  39. Doctor Don Ernesto Velazco (1872)

  40. Doctor Don Julio Herrera y Obes (1872 y 1887)

  41. Doctor Don Gregorio Pérez Gomar (1873-1874)

  42. Don José Candido Bustamante (1875)

  43. Doctor Don Andrés Lamas (1875)

  44. Doctor Don Ambrosio Velazco (1876)

  45. Doctor Don Gualberto Méndez (1877-1880)

  46. Doctor Don Joaquín Requena y Garda (1880-1881)

  47. Don Juan L. Cuestas (1881)

  48. Doctor Don Juan Carlos Blanco (1886)

  49. Doctor Don Domingo Mendilaharsu (1886-1887/1898)

  50. Doctor Don Ildefonso Garda Lagos (1887)

  51. Doctor Don Blas Vidal (1890)

  52. Doctor Don Manuel Herrero y Espinosa (1891-1893/1899-1901)

  53. Doctor Don Luis Piñeyro del Campo (1894)

  54. Doctor Don Mariano Ferreira (1897)

  55. Doctor Don Joaquín de Salterain (1897)

  56. Doctor Don German Roosen (1901-1903)

  57. Doctor Don José Romeu (1903-1907/1911-1913)

  58. Doctor Don Jacobo Varela Acevedo (1907-1910)

  59. Don Antonio Bachini (1907-1910)

  60. Don Daniel Muñoz (1911/1919)

  61. Doctor Don Emilio Barbaroux (1913-1914)

  62. Doctor Don Baltasar Brum (1915-1916/1916-1918)

  63. Doctor Don Manuel B. Otero (1915-1916)

  64. Doctor Don Juan A. Buero (1919-1921)

  65. Doctor Don Pedro Manini Ríos (1923-1924)

  66. Doctor Don Juan Carlos Blanco (1924-1926/1932)

  67. Don Álvaro Saralegui (1926)

  68. Don Rufino T. Domínguez (1927-1931)

  69. Doctor Don Alberto Mane (1933-1934)

  70. Ingeniero Don Juan José de Arteaga (1934-1935)

  71. Doctor Don José Espalter (1935-1938)

  72. Doctor Don Alberto Guani. (1938-1943)

  73. Ingeniero Don José Serrato (1943-1945)

  74. Doctor Don Eduardo Rodríguez Larreta (1945-1947)

  75. Don Mateo Marques Castro (1947)

  76. Doctor Don Daniel Castellanos (1947-1949)

  77. Doctor Don Cesar Charlone (1949-1950)

  78. Doctor Don Alberto Domínguez Campora (1950-1952)

  79. Doctor Don Fructuoso Pittaluga (1952-1955)

  80. Doctor Don Santiago I. Rompani (1955-1956)

  81. Doctor Don Francisco Gamarra (1956-1957)

  82. Profesor Don Oscar Secco Ellauri (1957-1959)

  83. Don Homero Martínez Montero (1959-1962)

  84. Don Alejandro Zorrilla de San Martín (1963-1965)

  85. Don Luis Vidal Zaglio (1965-1967)

  86. Doctor Don Héctor Luisi (1967-1968)

  87. Profesor Don Venancio Flores (1968-1970)

  88. Doctor Don Jorge Peirano Facio (1970-1971)

  89. Doctor Don José A. Mora Otero (1971-1972)

  90. Doctor Don Juan Carlos Blanco (1972-1976)

  91. Don Alejandro Rovira ( 1976-1978)

  92. Don Adolfo Folle Martinez (1978-1980)

  93. Doctor Don Estanislao Valdez Otero (1980-1982)

  94. Doctor Don Carlos Maeso (1982-1985)

  95. Economista Don Enrique Iglesias (1985-1988)

  96. Doctor Don Luis Barrios Tassano (1988-1990)

  97. Doctor Don Héctor Gros Espiell (1990-1993)

  98. Doctor Don Sergio Abreu Bonilla (1993-1995)

  99. Ingeniero Don Álvaro Ramos Trigo (1995- 1998)

  100. Doctor Don Didier Opertti Badán (1998 - 2005)

  101. Don Reinaldo Gargano Ostuni (2005 - )

A Chronological Table of Chiefs of Mission & Ambassadors to the US

 

Legation opened, June 13, 1900

  1. June 13, 1900 Juan Cuestas, Minister Resident

  2. November 1902 Luis Alberto de Herrera (Chargé d' Affaires a.i.)

  3. February 1904 Eduardo Acevedo Diaz, Appt. E.E. and M.P.

  4. December 1906 Luis Melian Lafinur, Appt. E.E. and M.P.

  5. May 31, 1911 Carlos Maria de Pena, E.E. and M.P.

  6. April 30, 1918 Hugo V. de Pena (Chargé d' Affaires a.i.)

  7. November 21, 1918 Pedro Cosio, E.E. and M.P.

  8. October 4, 1919 Jacobo Varela, Appt. E.E. and M.P.

  9. March 29, 1934 J. Richling, Appt. E.E. and M.P.

Legation raised to Embassy, September 3, 1941

  1. August 25, 1941 Ambassador Juan Carlos Blanco, 

  2. May 3, 1948 Jose A. Mora Otero, (Chargé d' Affaires a.i.)

  3. November 30, 1948 Ambassador Alberto Domínguez - Cámpora

  4. December 26, 1950 José A. Mora Otero, (Chargé d' Affaires a.i.)

  5. March 15, 1951 Ambassador Jose A. Mora Otero,

  6. September 24, 1956 Ambassador Julio A. Lacarte Muró,

  7. January 29, 1960 Ambassador Carlos A. Clulow,

  8. September 23, 1963 Ambassador Juan Felipe Yriart,

  9. January 31, 1969 Ambassador Hector Luisi,

  10. November 26, 1974  Ambassador José Pérez Caldas,

  11. May 15, 1980 Ambassador Jorge Pacheco Areco,

  12. July 30, 1982 Ambassador Alejandro Vegh Villegas,

  13. December 9, 1983 Italo L. Sordo Alonso (Chargé d' Affaires a.i.)

  14. March 2, 1984 Ambassador Walter Ravenna

  15. Sept 5, 1985 Ambassador Hector Luisi

  16. September 27, 1990 Ambassador Eduardo Mac Gillycuddy

  17. July, 1995 Ambassador Alvaro Diez de Medina

  18. May, 2000 Ambassador Hugo Fernández Faingold

  19. Ambassador Carlos Gianelli (2005 - )

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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